In 1980 a study by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization
estimated that world forests were disappearing at the alarming rate of
nearly 114,000 square kilometres a year. Ominous? Evidently not: A study by
F.A.O. in 1992 put the rate at a staggering 170,000 square kilometres a
year, an increase of nearly 54 percent.1
Though it came late, international concern for the disaster that awaits
was finally registered in the Earth Summit declarations. And within the
chorus of concerns articulated, a relatively new but equally assertive
voice could be heard: that of indigenous peoples demanding that their
distinct set of issues be accorded equal legitimacy.
These voices cannot be disregarded any longer, not least because their
numbers are too large to ignore: from 250 million indigenous peoples spread over 70
countries, according to the World Bank, to 400 million spread over 4,500
ethnicities, estimated by the World Council for Indigenous Peoples.
But a more compelling reason is the striking convergence in their
demands. From Latin America to the Pacific Islands, indigenous peoples are
demanding ownership and control of their territories, self-determination
and representation through their own institutions.
(This is not to deny the tremendous diversity between the different
communities recognised as indigenous peoples, nor the differences within
such groups. Even so, these issues have become rallying points worldwide
precisely because the patterns of exploitation have been so remarkably
similar.)
Indigenous peoples undoubtedly have the highest stakes in
eco-restoration. But perversely, the prevalent legal and policy structures
completely isolate them from these endeavours. The ubiquitous "guns and
guards" approach to conservation not only shuts out local communities but,
in the process, wilfully ignores traditional institutions, practices and
beliefs. To add insult to injury, these areas are then leased to private
industry as logging concessions.
By extension, the right of indigenous peoples to use the forests, based
as it is on customary usage, is not considered adequate grounds for legally
defensible rights.
On the one hand then, unprecedented deforestation has rendered the world
community vulnerable to dreadful threats of climatic change, global
warming, disappearing bio-diversity and desertification. The exhortation,
quite rightly, is for eco-restoration efforts on a grand scale. But, and
here lies the catch, the sway of "scientific" forestry ordains that this
can only be accomplished by restricting access to such areas, current steps
toward "participatory" forestry notwithstanding.
Forest communities, on the other hand, assert with equal force that
their survival is intrinsically linked to the fate of forests. The issue
is: can eco-restoration refocus to make indigenous peoples equal partners
in this process?
Traditional Knowledge and Sustainable Forestry: A Partnership
Modern forestry practices have only now yielded ground to the invaluable
repository of knowledge available from indigenous peoples. There is also a
growing acknowledgement, albeit slow in coming, that they are forest
custodians par excellence.
This should hardly cause surprise. Traditional management practices, by
definition, have stood the test of time, embodying the knowledge of a
particular ecosystem accumulated over several generations. How then should
traditional knowledge further the cause of sustainable forestry?
Direct Management of Forests: Conservation of biological diversity can be
significantly stepped up by fostering partnerships between the local
communities and state agencies to share responsibilities and benefits of
forest produce. Cases from different parts of the world suggest that such
partnerships, when invoked in their true spirit, have worked well in
conservation and reforestation efforts, wildlife management and timber
production (see Box 1). But success requires the empowerment of local
institutions to enable them to negotiate and arrive at agreements as
equals.2
Prospecting for Biodiversity: The value of traditional
knowledge in the identification of naturally occurring chemicals in wild
species, especially for medicinal purposes, is being accorded the pride of
place it deserves. Such species are predominantly found in territories
traditionally inhabited by indigenous peoples and therefore can most easily
be identified and collected by indigenous peoples. Such knowledge could therefore
be used as a guide for the selection of the most promising species, saving
precious time and money. But due to its commercial significance,
bio-prospecting raises serious issues of access and equity.
The short point is that without using traditional knowledge, forest
management faces an uncertain future. The willingness of indigenous peoples
to become partners, however, depends upon certain preconditions. Successful
alliances require these steps:
-
Indigenous peoples must feel secure in their land tenure and play a
central role in forest, land and resource management, in land-use systems
and in conflict resolutions. This has been (and remains) a volatile issue
because at its core lies the question of self determination. It also
strikes at the very legitimacy of settler regimes, and at the control
exercised by forest departments and commercial interests. The resistance
from all these quarters has been intense and will remain severe. It can
hardly be otherwise, since all profits from the exploitation of these
resources has been cornered by these groups.
-
Biodiversity prospecting, the latest commercial onslaught on
indigenous knowledge, is the exploration, extraction and screening of
biological diversity and indigenous knowledge for commercially valuable
genetic and biochemical resources. The commercial application of indigenous
knowledge, however, must entail the indigenous peoples' consent and involvement, as
well as the equitable sharing of benefits. This obviously calls for a
national policy framework and a supportive national legal structure
requiring that all bio-prospecting occur through valid and enforceable
contracts.
This is easier said than done. The roots of the problem lie in the
conventional understanding of intellectual property rights as a mechanism
to protect only individual and industrial inventions. That such rights
could pertain to collective and generational knowledge and assets was not
even considered feasible until indigenous peoples forced the issue. They
claim that commercial use of traditional knowledge can occur only at the
absolute discretion of its holders, and that the state's main role is to
protect and safeguard the rights of those holders.3
The possibilities in the legal and policy spheres are therefore immense.
These include the recognition of a number of rights: to customary law and
practice, to environmental integrity, to access to restricted areas and
traditional habitats, to common resources, to indigenous knowledge. These
issues, together with minority rights and indigenous peoples' rights to
their habitats, are collectively known as the "bundle of rights" of the
indigenous or local community, and the "subject clearly lies at the
tri-junction of human rights law, biodiversity conservation and economic
development." 4
Endorsing Traditional Rights: Some International Milestones
So what has been the policy response at the national and international
levels?
The issue of customary land rights of the indigenous peoples in the
Americas, Australia and New Zealand has witnessed bitterly fought legal and
political battles. In the Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia, it has been
the subject of major human rights campaigns.
In the Philippines, constitutional and institutional recognition has
been awarded to "rights of indigenous cultural communities to their
ancestral lands." It also includes the provision for the "applicability
of customary laws governing property rights or relations in determining
ownership and extent of the ancestral domain."
Similarly, community "adapt" rights are gaining legal sanction in the
management of forests in Indonesia.5
In Latin America, Colombia
is one of the few countries that recognise the rights of indigenous
communities to control their lands and natural resources and their internal
political affairs through their councils.
After the Earth Summit declarations, the issue of traditional
communities' right to manage their natural resources has received greater
global attention. The right of ownership, collective or individual, of the
members of indigenous populations is accepted in Article 11 of
International Labour Organisation Convention 107, and has been reaffirmed
in more detail in Articles 14-19 of I.L.O. Convention 169. The Convention
on Biological Diversity promises equitable sharing of benefits arising from
the use of indigenous knowledge.
The Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, drafted
by the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations to recognise,
protect and restore the rights of indigenous peoples, is another landmark.
The U.N. has also declared the current decade as the International Decade
of Indigenous Peoples.
These measures notwithstanding, there are still no internationally
accepted guidelines on the rights of the indigenous peoples. The I.L.O.
Convention, while containing important international legal standards for
indigenous rights, does not give the desired protection for indigenous
intellectual property rights. The United Nations declaration is only a
non-binding document, not legally enforceable. The Convention on Biological
Diversity merely endorses bilateral contracts without providing effective
guidelines and conditions for recognising and rewarding the contributions
of indigenous peoples.6
The Road Ahead
Quite obviously, a wide gulf separates politically correct oratory from
effective legislative muscle. This is a cause for concern but for despair,
because grass-roots initiatives continue to make steady inroads into the
conservative bastion. Diana Pombo's work in Colombia illustrates how the
state can be persuaded to pass legislation to protect indigenous peoples.
The next task is equally challenging: to empower the affected population
with the knowledge of this and other laws that will further their cause, a
process that lies at the heart of Pedro Garcia's initiative in Peru. His
endeavour is to impress upon the indigenous peoples the power and
importance of their knowledge and the laws in effect so that they can carry
out informed negotiations with those attempting to usurp that knowledge.
Inspiring both initiatives is the fundamental belief that indigenous
knowledge is vital not only for the social and economic development of
indigenous peoples but also for the conservation of biodiversity for all humanity.
This objective can be achieved only when indigenous peoples have the
absolute discretion to decide if they want to share their knowledge in the
first place and if so on what terms.
Ashesh Ambasta is a development economist.
References Cited
Colchester, M. (1993): 'Colonizing the Rainforests: The Agents and
Causes of Deforestation', in Colchester, M. & Lohmann, L. (eds.), The
Struggle for Land and the Fate of the Forests, The World Rainforest
Movement, the Ecologist and Zed Books.
Gupta, A. (1996): 'Rewarding Creativity for Conserving Diversity in
Third World: Can IPR Regime Serve the Needs of Contemporary and
Traditional Knowledge Experts and Communities in Third World', Working
Paper 1339, Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad.
Kothari, A., Singh, N. & Suri, S. (Eds.) (1996): People and Protected
Areas Towards Participatory Conservation in India, Sage: New Delhi.
Kothari, A., Pathak, N., Anuradha, R.V. & Taneja, B. (Eds.) (1998):
Communities and Conservation Natural Resource Management in South and
Central Asia, Sage: New Delhi.
Krishnan, B.J. (1998): 'Legal and Policy Issues in Community-Based
Conservation', in Kothari et al (eds.).
Nijar, G.S. (1995): Developing a Rights Regime in Defence of
Biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge, Third World Network, Malaysia.
Poffenberger, M. (1988): 'Valuing the Forests', in Poffenberger, M. & B.
McGean (eds.), Village Voices, Forest Choices Joint Forest Management
in India, OUP: Delhi.
Posey, D. & Dutfield, G. (1996): Beyond Intellectual Property Rights,
International Development Research Centre, Ottawa.
Sarin, Madhu (1996): Joint Forest Management The Haryana Experience,
Centre for Environment Education, Ahmedabad.
Farooque, Mohiuddin (1995): 'Traditional Land Rights: Conflicts of
Tradition', in P. Gain (ed.), Bangladesh Land, Forest and Forest
People, Society for Environment and Human Development: Dhaka.
Shrestha, N.K., Kafle, G. & Britt, C. (ND): Community Forest User Group
Networking and the Emergence of A Federation of Community Forestry Users
in Nepal, watchftp@wlink.com.np
Terai Community Forestry Action Team (TECOFAT), watchftp@wlink.com.np
Desloges, C. & Vu Van Me (ND): Integrating Planning for Forests into
Wider Cross Sectoral Land Use Management Participatory Land-Use
Planning and Forest Land Allocation in Vietnam The Case of Nam Dong
District, tbeckley@nofc.forestry.ca
The World Bank Participation Sourcebook Appendix II: Working Paper
Summaries,
www.worldbank.org/html/edi/sourcebook/sba2.htm
Wily, L. (ND): Community-Based Natural Forest Management in
Duru-Haitemba, Arusha Region, and Mgori Forest, Singida Region
Tanzania,
www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/offrep/afr/afr_for/interim/stnzna-3.htm
Footnotes
Cited in Colchester 1993:1-2.
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There are a number of successful examples of joint or participatory management of forests from around the world. An exhaustive listing is obviously not possible. But the readers will get an idea of the range and diversity of innovative approaches from the following Web sites: (a) CIDA's conservation archives at forests.org; (b) FAO's 'Forests, Trees and People Programme' at www.fao.org; (c) Conservation International's country case studies of conservation and protection at: www.conservation.org; (d) IIDS's site at iisd.ca/forests/.
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For innovative ideas on this score, see Nijar (1995), Posey & Dutfield (1996) and Gupta (1996).
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Krishnan 1998:363. A number of Web sites listed in Box 2 provide discussions, updates and case-study material on the issues of land, resource and property rights of indigenous peoples.
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Farroque 1995.
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Box 3 provides a number of Web sites that contain details, discussions and critiques of existing legislation on indigenous rights.
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